Migration – Multilingualism in Society

The paradox of societal exploitation and unawareness of migrants’ multilingualism in Switzerland

Lina Junctorius

As multilingualism gains importance in the globalized word and migration becomes more frequent, new challenges arise for host societies in Europe. In Switzerland, migrants are at a disadvantage on the labour market if they are not fluent in the local languages. They therefore mostly have job positions that are rather invisible, and not well compensated. Their skills in non-local languages are not officially recognized. Simultaneously, migrant employees’ language skills are exploited by the companies to increase their efficiency and simplify the daily work life. Official unemployment institutions often choose to minimize costs instead of investing in migrant’s language learning. This leads to the discrimination of migrants as it limits their social mobility through professional chances. Switzerland and individual workplaces need to introduce strategies that handle the issues in the reviewed studies.

Keywords: Racism – Linguistic Discrimination – Swiss Labour Market – Immigration – Multilingualism

Switzerland, migration and language

In September 2020, Switzerland held a referendum about the free movement of people. The right-wing party, Swiss People’s party (SVP), tried to limit the immigration of non-national people. They argued that too many people immigrate to Switzerland. The referendum was rejected by 61.7% of the voters. It was not the first attempt of the SVP to limit the free movement of people. (Henley, 2020) The referendums are the result of the increase in migration related to the ongoing globalisation.

In the light of the globalisation, language becomes more and more important. For the longest time, it was sufficient to speak the dominant language of the area you live in. In Switzerland, that means, for example, being able to speak French in the Romandie and German in the German-speaking part. Nowadays, new demands concerning the competences in the local and multiple other languages arise. This is especially the case in workplaces (Duchêne, 2011). The new importance of language is in particular connected to migration. In Switzerland, for example, the percentage of non-local languages being spoken as the home language has increased from less than 1% to 21.5 % from 1950 to 2013 (Lüdi et al, 2016). Since people gained new mobility because travelling became more affordable and new communication technologies are provided by the internet, the rate of migration has increased significantly. These developments allow migrants to stay in touch with their friends and family from all over the world. Furthermore, they have led to the establishment of new businesses and services. The resulting linguistic variety in host societies goes hand in hand with different advantages but also issues. On the one hand, linguistic exclusion can happen easily when institutions do not adjust to the new linguistic circumstances and stick to the national language. Institutions, whether public, private or non-governmental organizations (NGOs), are points of contact for migrants. Often they are ideological sites, meaning that existing ideologies of power are often (re)produced. The power origins in the unequally distributed value that is given to different languages making it seem as if some languages have more worth than others. In the case of workplaces, it can be seen how employers want to profit economically from the migrants’ language skills (Duchêne, 2013).

The aforementioned developments lead to the question of how present discrimination of migrants is in Switzerland and which role language plays in it. This blog post will focus on how migrants are linguistically incorporated into the Swiss labour market. To do this, the hierarchy of languages and speakers for different types of jobs will be considered. Following Duchêne et al (2013), in this entry people migrating or being mobile for work or other reasons are called “migrants”. This is to distance from any stereotypes and negative connotations that are associated with the word “immigrant”. Although technically the second term describes a person who moves to an area they are not native to, it is generally associated with a person from a developing country who moves to a more developed one, e.g. in the Western world.

When talking about language in society, an important concept is language ideology. Language ideologies are what members of a society believe and feel about language (Piller, 2015). They are social discourses about what language is or should be, how it is learned, how it is used, etc. Furthermore, language ideologies represent interests of specific societal groups (Piller, 2015). The standard language ideology implies that the speech of the most powerful group of a society is superior to other varieties, meaning that the standard language speakers are privileged and others are disadvantaged. Another language ideology is the belief that monolingualism is best for the unity of a nation and a harmonic society (Piller, 2015). This disadvantages especially people immigrating from other countries. The language ideology of integration is the believe that only migrants who speak the local language fluently and as their main language are integrated into society.

Previous Literature

Each language has a value on the linguistic market which is based on spatial occupation, social status and its social relevance. Language therefore becomes a human capital as knowledge of different languages is profitable on the job market and can lead to better salary (Filhon, 2013).

Switzerland is one of only five countries in Europe that have more than one national language and one of three that promotes an historical minority language, Romansh (Filhon, 2013). Shortly before the Second World War it was made a national language (Lüdi et al, 2016). Despite the official multilingualism in Switzerland, most cantons are monolingual on an institutional as well as on an individual basis (Filhon, 2013; Lüdi et al, 2016). It is expected that a person is fluent in each language and speaks only one language at a time (Lüdi et al, 2016).

In Europe, the language ideology concerning multilingualism related to immigration creates the image of an integration deficit. Also, regional languages are favoured over immigration languages. The Council of Europe tried to give more recognition to multilingual practices by adopting two laws, the Charter of regional and minority languages in 1990 and the Common European Framework of reference for languages in 2001. However, in 2010 the cantons of Switzerland were still demanding the knowledge of their official languages for arriving migrants who plan to stay permanently (Filhon, 2013). Furthermore, in many companies’ corporate policy linguistic diversity and thus multilingualism is neglected since its management is challenging (Lüdi et al, 2016).

Within the new globalized economy multilingualism emerges as a market value (Duchêne, 2011), especially in the service economy. Language in every form, meaning oral, written and computer-mediated, has developed into a central tool. Efficiency and economic profitability is now created by using multilingualism which is why the knowledge of languages has an economic value. As a result, institutions exploit the linguistic skills of migrants and least qualified employees to increase productivity and flexibility (Duchêne, 2011). The exploited employees do not generally receive any benefits like a higher salary or professional mobility in return. In a study conducted in a baggage and passenger managing company at the Zürich international airport by Duchêne (2011) it was found that the requirements for language skills were based on the visibility of the employee. The visibility describes the degree of contact the employee has with the clientele. Employees in direct contact with passengers, namely in customer service, were required to have very good German (national language) and English as well as basic French skills. Employees having some direct contact with certain costumers but also doing tasks where they stay invisible needed to have very good knowledge of German and English. The invisible employees working in the baggage sector and not having direct contact with passenger were only required to be good in German. Due to negative changes in the working conditions, new groups of the population were applying to the job positions. Before, most employees were Swiss women belonging to the lower middle-class. New employees were mostly either less educated Swiss with fewer foreign languages skills or high educated migrants who are not fluent in the national languages. The number of employees speaking non-local languages were especially high in the semi-visible and invisible sectors since less Swiss in comparison to the visible positions worked in these positions.

“Flughafen Zürich” by caribb is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Language is interrelated with power. This is why the knowledge of a language has an impact on an individual’s social status. Someone who is competent in several socially and economically valued languages can have more power in the sense that they can exclude people who do not know these languages without being at risk of being excluded themselves. When speakers have to use a language they do not prefer or are not fluent in they have to be more attentive to the ongoing discourse, need to cognitively process more, might question their identity and are symbolically excluded. This is why they might feel discriminated against (Lüdi et al, 2016). In case of the airport company (Duchêne, 2011), due to the language requirements an entire group of applicants is excluded from access to certain positions while others are privileged. The work activities are hierarchized and the level of visibility of an employee is therefore synonymous with their desirability for the company (Duchêne. 2011). Thus, the company is using its power by discriminating candidates on the basis of their knowledge of the national languages German and French as well as English as a lingua franca. The employees’ language skills are managed with regards to costs so that for example language classes are not paid for. Since the language skills are a requirement for getting a job, the impression is created that it is not the company’s role to officially recognize or maintain the skills of their employees but their own responsibility (Duchêne, 2011).

Language competences are handled similarly in regional employment offices (REOs) in the canton of Fribourg (Flubacher et al, 2016). Unemployed people in the region need to report to their local REO in order to be professionally reintegrated, i.e. to get re-employed. In a study observing especially the treatment of migrants in REOs, two coexisting discourses justifying the provision or lack of official language courses were discovered. First, the discourse of integration which follows the idea that competence in the local language is indispensable for the professional and individual integration of a migrant. Second, the discourse of investment which obeys a logic of cost-benefit, meaning the measures which are necessary to improve the chances of the person being employed are evaluated. These two discourses are complementary to regulate the diversity that comes with the increasing number of migrant workers. One way of increasing the chances of an unemployed migrant to settle in the new environment as well as being employed is by improving their local language skills in a language course. From the integration discourse point of view, knowledge of the local language avoids the creation of a parallel society in which migrants only speak their native language. In terms of the investment discourse, knowledge of the local language is only viewed to be necessary when it helps the migrant’s employability. It is also considered that the required level of knowledge for non-qualified migrants to get employed is rather low. The language courses as well as other strategies are paid by the REOs and therefore by Swiss taxpayers. This is why the overall costs paid by the REOs are tried to be minimized. However, in the case that a migrant does not attend a language course for the sake of keeping the costs low they cannot develop social mobility. Higher language competences lead to better employment which in turn entail social mobility (Flubacher et al, 2016).

In the airport company, languages that are not required for employment are not officially recognized through financial compensation or promotion but are nevertheless indispensable for the daily working life in the company (Duchêne, 2011). Employees speaking other languages are registered in a list so that they can translate in situations where unpredictable language needs arise. The majority of these so-called translators for rare languages are migrants in invisible or semi-visible positions. They become only visible when they linguistic services are needed meaning that they are exploited. At the same time they are objectified and their language skills and thus multilingualism are trivialized as they are taken for granted and relied on but not compensated (Duchêne, 2011).

These ways of dealing with migrant languages and multilingualism in general make the capitalist market discriminatory and reproduce social inequalities between Swiss citizens and migrants (Duchêne, 2011). A way to better the general perception of languages spoken by migrants is to offer education in these languages to migrants. This would help dissolving the hierarchical structure by recognizing the benefits of multilingualism and support the migrants’ social mobility. In general, recognition of migrants, their languages and culture by host countries like Switzerland would be a key element to integration (Filhon, 2013).

Discussion and Conclusion

The presented studies suggest that migrants often have disadvantages on the Swiss labour market. Language is used to create a hierarchy that benefits people who speak the dominant official local languages, i.e. German and French in the regions investigated. Since languages have value on the linguistic but also on the labour market these individuals have a higher social status and better chances to get a job. Also, because of this language ideology, being able to speak several relevant languages gives an individual power over people who are not fluent in these languages. The latter are therefore discriminated against for not knowing the languages required for given jobs.

The knowledge of the official languages is often required to immigrate to Switzerland in the first place but also to be eligible for many jobs. It is often expected that each individual speaks the local language fluently. Migrants who do not speak the local languages or are not fluent in them are less desired. Also, their multilingualism is seen as indicator for them not being well integrated instead of a benefit for the society.

At the same time, the language skills of migrants are exploited to increase the productivity and flexibility of companies. On the labour market, multilingualism has an economic value because language is developing into a central tool. It helps companies to create efficiency and economic profitability in the daily work life. The migrant employees’ knowledge of non-local languages are used without compensating them for their extra work or recognizing their skills. This leads to the impression that the migrants’ language skills are not valuable while simultaneously naturalizing the knowledge of non-local languages.

In the study of Flubacher et al (2016), it can be seen that the official institutions in Switzerland recognized that knowledge of the local language is needed to accomplish the social as well as professional integration of migrants. However, the institutions do not want to take responsibility for this process and due to cost-benefit logic often decide that basic language skills are enough for the migrant to be employed. This leads to migrants working only in invisible or semi-visible positions.

The more visible an employee is, the more important their language skills are. That is why most migrants who do not speak the local languages fluently enough usually work in semi-visible or invisible positions. Here, a clear hierarchy of languages and speakers can be seen. The local languages are considered more important than non-local ones. Speakers of local languages are therefore more valued and are compensated with, for example, higher salary. Therefore, the hierarchy of languages leads to applying a hierarchy to workers. This is why it can be said that the labour market in Switzerland is discriminating groups of people who do not speak the local languages well, especially migrants. Also, by sticking to the hierarchy of languages, existing social inequalities between Swiss nationals and migrants are not changed but reproduced. To break the hierarchy of humans it is necessary to stop valuing some languages more than others. This could be achieved by recognizing migrants’ languages, getting to know their culture and meeting their needs. As Filhon (2013) suggested, offering education in migrant languages is one way to do it. If the migrants’ social mobility were increased, integration would be easier which would also lead to a higher social status and better professional opportunities. In my opinion, it is the responsibility of the Council of Europe, the confederation of Switzerland, the cantonal governments and every institution and company to work on the recognition of multilingualism related to migration. Even though the Council of Europe, for example, already released some language policies (see Filhon, 2013) these are not sufficient and need to be better implemented on a daily basis. However, it also has to be pointed out that language is not the only factor leading to discrimination of migrants.

References

Duchêne, A. 2011. Neoliberalism, social inequalities, and multilingualism: The exploitation of linguistic resources and speakers. Langage et société 2, 81-108.

Filhon, A. 2013. Linguistic Practices in Migration – Models of integration, language policies and the establishment of a social hierarchy of languages. INTERACTRR 2013/02. Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, San Domenico di Fiesole (FI): European University Institute. Available at: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/29418. Accessed on: 21/12/2020.

Flubacher, M., R. Coray and A. Duchêne. 2016. Language, integration and the labour market: The regulation of diversity. Multilingua, Journal of Cross-Cultural and Interlanguage Communication 35(6). 675-696. DOI: 10.1515/multi-2015-0075.

Henley, J. 2020. Swiss voters reject EU immigration curbs. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/27/swiss-voters-reject-curbs-on-eu-immigration-switzerland-referendum. Accessed on: 22/12/2020

Lüdi, G., K. Höchle Meier and P. Yanaprasart. 2016. Introduction. In Lüdi, Höchle Meier and Yanaprasart (eds.), 1-28.

Lüdi, G., K. Höchle Meier, F. Steinbach Kohler and P. Yanaprasart. 2016. Power in the Implementation of Plurilingual Reptertoires. In Lüdi, Höchle Meier and Yanaprasart (eds.), 29-68.

Lüdi, G., K. Höchle Meier and P. Yanaprasart (eds.). 2016. Managing plurilingual and intercultural practices in the workplace: The case of multilingual Switzerland (Vol. 4). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Piller, I. 2015. Language ideologies. In K. Tracy, C. Ilie, T. Sandel (eds.), The international encyclopedia of language and social interaction. Wiley Blackwell, 917-926.

The impact of migration on youth language

Linda Dridi

In this blog entry, I investigate how migration has impacted teenagers from the Western World and their manner of speaking, more specifically their vocabulary. The purpose of this blog is to show how a research on youth language should not only focus on ethnicity, due to its flexible place in the construction of youth language, but also on other factors such as the environment, age, gender, social class, or level of education. Each of these factors is closely linked with each other and plays an important role for a young person.

Keywords: youth language – young people – migration – ethnicity

Image free of copyright: https://search.creativecommons.org/

1. Introduction

In today’s society, human migration is better known under the term of immigration and it consists in people, generally from developing countries moving to developed countries for different reasons such as better professional opportunities, healthcare needs, political reasons or safety. These people then build their lives in their new home and also build families. Their children are then surrounded by two or more cultures, that transmitted by their parents and that from the country they live in. They are also surrounded, from a young age, by a variety of languages and cultures, which can also have an important impact on their language.

This blog entry will focus on youth language but more specifically on how the migration of the parents have impacted the language youth, especially those of migration descent. An example of an impact of migration of language can be seen for example in youth language in France. Indeed, they have, for example, translated Arabic insults literally in French (for example, the French insult fils de chien is taken from the Arabic expression weld el kelb)These translations of insults are nowadays used by most of the Francophones, leading then the French vocabulary to broaden.

To have a better understanding of how migration plays an important role in the development of youth language, I will present studies made in France and the United Kingdom which observe the manner of speaking and linguistic production of young people, from the 2^nd generation of migrant, coming from India, Turkey or North Africa in purpose to have a better understanding on how youth language is built. Thus, this blog entry will focus on language and how migration has impacted youth language and built their vocabularies.

2. Theoretical framework

Youth language is highly stereotyped as it is perceived as a “hood”, “street” or “ghetto” language, spoken by non-educated people or a broader repertoire. These stereotypes are mainly linked with racist ideologies due to the personal backgrounds of their speakers. Indeed, most of the young people speaking a “youth language” are the descendants of immigrant parents. This difference of culture led some people to consider young people and their language as poor compared to the standard language.

Besides this heritage of language and culture, the spread of globalization, which is the circulation of people, merch or services all around the world, has an important impact in youth language as it influences their manner of speaking. The spread of the Internet, for example, has allowed young people to be surrounded with even more languages and thus incorporate them into their language practices.

Young people have also presented many particular elements in their language. Indeed, some of them show a performance of identity, which consists of an act of identity, in our case the culture of their immigrated parents, by using, for example, some vocabulary from their mother tongue. This incorporation of foreign vocabulary can also be defined by the term of borrowing. Others tend to acculturate themselves, which means that they adjust themselves to the culture of the country they live in, putting aside their parents’ culture.

Thus, migration has an important repercussion on young people and their manner of speaking and it will be thus interesting to have a better understanding on its impact and how young people manage to use the languages that surround them.

3. Research related to youth language

Bucholtz and Skapoulli (2009) have explored the linguistic production of youth language through the theme of cultural mobility. The purposes of this study were firstly to understand the impact of migration, transnationalism and globalization on young people and secondly how their identities were emerging from their language. As young people from the 2^nd generation of migrant are usually navigating between different cultures, their identities are influenced by them. It is thus important to take in account the sociocultural context in youth studies in general. As immigrants were usually seen as “outsiders”, ideologies usually tend to divide their culture apart from the culture of the country they live in. Therefore, young people from the 2^nd generation of migrant counteract this ideology by claiming that they own multiple cultures. The impact of migration, transnationalism and globalization has been extremely important among young people, especially in their language as they are mainly known for being innovators and breakers of language rules.

Svendsen (2015) compares a range of linguistic practices among young people from linguistically and culturally diverse areas, in order to have a better understanding on how youth language works in the 21^st century. She explains that the increased global mobility, but also the tourism or the technological advances have an important impact on the language. It is among young people that we can see changes in languages due to the surroundings of mixed culture and social backgrounds. Their identity is mainly linked with the linguistic form and language used, which must be taken in consideration while investing youth language.

Shankar (2011) decided to base her research on style, considering it as a linguistic and cultural notion that allows people, in the case of her study immigrant youth, to perform identity. She had focused her studies with two group of young people from Desi culture (which is the south Asian culture) who live in the United States, more precisely in California. She considers two class backgrounds from the new immigration (which refers to immigrants arriving in the States since 1965): “lower-middle class” and “upper-middle class”. This allows her to consider in her study the environment young people live in and how it could impact their language. Lower-middle class teens live in small house, close to their school and their neighborhoods were surrounded by a variety of different cultures while the upper-middle class teenagers live in bigger houses surrounded by wealthy White or Asian families. This difference of class had led the Desi teens to separate themselves into cliques: the popular Desi (upper class) and FOBs, which stands for Fresh Off the Boat, (lower class). FOB teens were closer to their mother tongue and religion and spent more time with other minority students than popular teens. Fob teens also use lunch and break time as an occasion to speak their heritage language with their fellows, while the popular Desi rarely spoke their mother tongue in school, as they considered it as not a part of everyday interaction. The purpose of her study was to point out that ethnicity and race are not something fixed in youth language, but are built with the political economy, environment, class and values. It shows also that some young people are still attached to their heritage and culture while some tend to detach themselves from their home’s culture by acculturating themselves.

Kerswill (2013) focused on the construction of youth language in London and more specifically on how language and identity are mainly linked with multiethnicity and multilingualism. His study also deals with the concepts of race, age, culture and class. He focuses his study by comparing the language of teenagers from two regions of London, Hackney, which belongs to the inner city, and Havering from the outer city. The teenagers were divided into two groups: Anglo and non-Anglo. He observes that the language of teenagers coming from inner-city has more words from foreign vocabularies than outer city. They seem to be more open to new innovations for language than Havering’s teenagers. This could be due to the importance of the number immigrant families in London’s inner city than outer city. He discovers that non-Anglo teens in Hackney and Havering highly reject a Cockney identity, which is a term used for native inhabitant of East London, although their language might be close to a traditional Cockney language. Thus, it highlights that the ethnicity has an important place for the construction of identity for young people and they do not want to be associated with a culture they do not belong.

Lytra (2015) has invested in young Turkish-descent’s belief about standard and varieties of Turkish. She chose two groups of young Turkish to compare in her study: one community is based in London while the second one is from Athens. She has chosen these two communities due to their differences in term of migration histories, education or religious background. Indeed, the Turkish-speaking community who lives in Athens is mainly from lower class than the community who belongs to London. She found out that in both communities, young people were surrounded by the two varieties: the vernacular is mainly used at their home and the standard through different types of medias. They value standard Turkish and its vernaculars, although they were taught that mastering the standard Turkish is linked with academic success. Furthermore, a majority of young Turkish in her study were showing loyalty towards the vernaculars spoken at home although they were taught in Turkish complementary schools that they should speak the standard due to its high position. This loyalty towards a variety might be explained with the link that it has with young people’s home and families while the standard is only used through medias.

Hambye and Gadet (2014) focus their research on the linguistic hybridity on youth language, also known as CUV an abbreviation that stands for contemporary urban vernacular, in France. Youth language in France is widely known for vernalization, an argot that consist of reversing the syllables of a word (louche for example becomes chelou) and multiethnolect, which is of the incorporation of foreign words, for example, Arabic words such as wAllah, starfoulah, or hmar. Also, the Arabic language is known to be the most influential language for French vernaculars. This is highlighted for example with the French youth expression sur la vie de ma mère, used as a pledge and is directly modelled from the Arabic language (wa hayat omi). Besides, some expressions are modeled from this language into French. In contemporary urban vernaculars of France, the authors observe many phenomena in youth language. Indeed, young people use a lot of slang words and omission of words. They also highlight that this manner of speaking is a way for young people to mark their identities, especially ethnic and cultural identity. Therefore, youth language should not be reduced to only a marker of identity as there are various factors that must also be taken in account. It could be for example, a manner for young people to contest the dominant culture, but it is also highly impacted by their environment and social class.

4. Discussion / Conclusion

These research allow us to have a better understanding on how migration and the parents’ language have impacted youth language. Therefore, previous studies have shown that the globalisation and transnationalism play important roles for youth language as they allow young people to innovate in their manner of speaking and break standard rules concerning standard language. The home language highly influences young people’s language. They can, for example, code-switch between their mother language and the language of the country they live in, which means they can alternate between these languages. They can also incorporate some foreign vocabulary or model some expressions from their home language into the official language of the country they live in.

This incorporation of their home language made by young people can be seen as a marker of identity. Indeed, young people are usually confronted to the culture of the country they live in, and the fusion of foreign vocabulary mean their belonging to their parents’ language. Young people were also seen to show loyalty to the vernacular languages, although they show respect to both varieties, standard and vernacular. This loyalty toward the vernacular might be due to the fact that youth language is in general seen as a poor vernacular and suffers from stereotypes. Young people might have taken in account these negative attitudes towards their manner of speaking and thus present loyalty towards other vernaculars.

Therefore, the ethnicity is not a major point to understand youth language as it is highly linked with other factors, such as the environment, gender or the social class. It is thus important in youth language’s studies, to not only consider only the parents’ language and ethnicity, but also take in account the environment in which young people live (is it, for example, mixed with other immigrant’s families or are there only a few immigrant families?), the social class (is the family from an upper or lower class?), or the gender, to have a better comprehension of how youth language is constructed. Each of these factors directly impact teenager and their manner of speaking.

However, the studies presented in this blog entry were only focusing on youth language in the Western World. The results might not be applicable to all of youth language and thus, does not allow to have a global idea on how youth language is built all over the world.

It would have been interesting, to push the studies of this blog entry further by having a direct contact with young people and ask them how and why they use, for example, slang words or code-switching. The comparison between these interviews and interactional data can lead to have a better understanding on youth language’s construction and a perception from young people.

References

Bucholtz, M. and Skapoulli, E. 2009. Youth language at the intersection: from migration to globalization. International Pragmatics Association. 19:1.1-16 Available at: https://escholarship.org/content/qt1mv7m8w8/qt1mv7m8w8_noSplash_7438b77ae7e69d0e11ec81ebd4989622.pdf?t=nukr28. Accessed on: 27/11/2020.

Hambye, P. and Gadet, F. 2014. Contact and ethnicity in “youth language” description: in search of specificity. Digital acces to librairies. Robert Nicolai; “Questioning Language Contact: Limits of Contact, Contact at its Limits”- p. 183-216 (ISBN: 9789004279049)

Kerswill, P. 2013. Identity, ethnicity and place: the construction of youth language in London. White Rose Research Online. Available at: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/75329/. Accessed on: 26/11/2020

Lytra, V. 2015. Language and language ideologies among Turkish-speaking young people in Athens and London. Language, Youth and Identity in the 21st Century. Cambridge University Press, pp.183-204 (ISBN: 9781139061896)

Shankar, S. 2012. Style and Language Use among Youth of the New Immigration: Formations of Race, Ethnicity, Gender, and Class in Everyday Practice. Identities Global Studies in Culture and Power. Pp. 646-671 Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/1070289X.2011.672867?needAccess=true. Accessed on: 28/11/2020

Svendsen, B.A. 2015. Language, youth and identity in the 21st century: content and continuations. Language, Youth and Identity in the 21st Century. Cambridge University Press, pp.3-23 (ISBN: 9781139061896)