New economy – Multilingualism in Society

Call me! The Linguistic Hierarchy of Languages in Asian Call Centers

By Marina Trujic and Morgane Lopez

Abstract

This blog entry demonstrates the complexity of the question of languages’ hierarchy and the linguistic requirements that result from it in call centers. The globalization of English and the colonization of certain Asian countries brought different varieties of English, language varieties that are also due to the educational differences and to the different requirements expected between countries. It impacted the use of international languages in various commercial institutions such as call centers, which is included in the subject of this study. Considering these varieties of English, a hierarchy of language has been established in certain countries – for example Pakistan and India – and thus the companies introduce language policies: the referenced article approach “native-like” accent (i.e., GA standard) and pronunciation’s authenticity. Lasty, the English courses proposed and the linguistic expectations needed are presented as maximizing the job opportunities of the employees in call centers and thus provide better services for customers.

During the last decades, there has been both phenomenal industrial and technological progress worldwide. With this recent development came the need for societies to develop multilingual competences as a skill in the new service-based economy in order to trade with one another efficiently. This progress also brought an exponential increase in taxes and other costs for companies. Therefore, in order to maximize their profit, many companies relocated some of their services internationally. One particular service will be analyzed in this article: the example of call centers. Call centers are companies whose employees provide information or technical support and sell or advertise merchandise to its customers. Originally, call centers were based in the home country of the company they provide remote service for, but nowadays, most call centers have been relocated to countries offering tax reductions or other advantages for the companies. Because the average worker’s wage in Asian countries is much lower than the average worker’s wage in North American countries, a lot of north American companies have chosen to relocate their call centers to Asian countries in order to make more profit. When relocated, call centers are named outsourced call centers. Because employees provide services for English-speaking customers, English proficiency is required for employment. In this article, we will attempt to analyze why employers of international call centers feel the need for their employees to adapt their speech to be closer to the American standard in different Asian call centers in light of the globalization of English. In order to do so, we will first illustrate the notion of hierarchy of language and its social consequences. Drawing on previous studies, we will explain the different policies and decisions taken by companies in order to improve their employee’s English proficiency. We will then name the advantages such trainings and policies can bring to the employees. Finally, we will conclude this article by summarizing our findings and by answering the research question. We will offer future research directions as well as name the limitations of the reviewed studies.

“Call Centre operators in New Dehli, India” by ILO in Asia and the Pacific is licensed under CC BY-ND 2.0

English as the language of prestige in certain Asian countries: The hierarchy of languages

The first aspect that links linguistic performances to globalization is the hierarchy of languages established in certain Asian countries. This social hierarchy comes from the use of one particular language in some specific areas, for example English, as it is mainly used in political and economic contexts, along with other languages such as Hindi, Urdu and Malay. This linguistic hierarchy distinguishes four different aspects: the pride of English speakers, the indispensability of this language in the international workplaces – such as outsourced services and multi-nationals – as it is increasingly modernized, the pressure of the linguistic requirements inflicted by the leaders on their employees and the authenticity of English related to the individual identity of the employees. Concerning the authenticity of English, it is linked to the appreciation of the customers-staff relationship.

First of all, the ability of speaking a language like English provides social status because of the international statue it has, or in other words, thanks to “the power of internalized dominant discourses” (Duchêne 2008: 37). Also, while call centres are known to offer a salary “higher than that of many middle-staff positions in the government” to their employees (Friginal 2007: 337), certain countries (re)produce the hierarchy through education. For example, Pakistan has a “Pakistani English-using Elite” (Rahman 2009: 233), which would be associated to the expensive education of English and certainly to the distinction between elite schools and other Urdu-medium schools. Additionally, Pakistan workers:

“exhibit a lot of enthusiasm for their job, not only because they earn a higher salary than their peers, but also because they perceive themselves as being “smart”: They think they have acquired a native-speaker accent, which in their view, other users of English in Pakistan could not acquire.” (Rahman 2009: 238).

As a result, the good wage workers earn, the empowering status of English and this native-like accent are part of the pride that glows on people’s language proficiencies.

Secondarily, the hierarchy of languages also relies on what is needed in life in general. For example, the Philippines have a population that “aspire[s] to high-level proficiency in international communications in English due, for the most part, to the lure of overseas employment and, locally, of employment in multinational corporations such as call centres, export manufacturing, and technical assembly plants.” (Friginal 2007: 333). Known for their tradition of English-Filipin bilingual education, Filipinos give importance to linguistic abilities as it helps in their professional ambitions. Moreover, the English language, and more generally multilingualism, is perceived as a “practical necessity” (Duchêne 2008: 30). Whether in the professional field or in private life, linguistic performances and mainly English ones are indispensable assets.

Thirdly, if the hierarchical order of languages provides pride and professional assets, it also supplies pressure issues for the employees. Language policies, structured by several programs which we will discuss below, sometimes cause different practical “errors and misunderstandings” because of the inability of non-native speakers to talk about specific topics (Friginal 2007: 335). Also, in the case of India, being an employee of call centres has an ambivalent statue: “On the one hand they are the cool new generation, … on the other hand they are “cyber-coolies” who are “not in a real job”.” (Cowie 2007: 318). Moreover, the author precises that “Night shifts are regarded as so bad for health and social life that one will suffer “burnout” after a maximum of two years” (318). The pressure of work requirements impact employees in their mental and physical well-being, which will not help them acquire the linguistic skills required by their workplace. Also, since English is a language of prestige in Pakistan, the country “sets [English speakers] apart from other Pakistanis” because of their low-level proficiency in English (Rahman 2009: 246), which is also source of pressure for the ones that have to improve their language performances to integrate the elite society and to avoid situations where they are “called “weird”, “strange”, or “Pakistani” by their former colleagues or managers” because of their lack of English proficiency (Rahman 2009: 248). Furthermore, as “adapting to this level was seen as a challenge” (Lockwood 2013: 546), Indian experts finally termed “linguicism” “this inequality and hierarchy between languages and between speakers” (Sonntag 2008: 21). Consequently, we note that effective linguistic requirements of call centres provide pressure and stress for the employees, as well paid as they are.

Finally, the last aspect that shapes the hierarchy of languages, and thus the professional expectations of outsourced societies such as call centres, is the question of identity. Individual experiences with customers and the different issues that come from this linguistic hierarchy led to multiple consequences on one’s authenticity in work. Philippines defines the “native-like level” and its “prosodic patterns” as necessary, which significantly reduces the personal expression of the employee behind the phone (Friginal 2007: 339, 345). Also, a study on the Indian Call Centre industry states that “accent is treated as a skill to be acquired rather than a presentation of self” (Cowie 2007: 328), which seems to be the same in all of the Asian countries mentioned above. Lastly, Indian and Pakistani call centres use “Western pseudonyms” to “conceal identities”, which is perceived as “de-Indianizing” by certain American journalists (Rahman 2009: 237; Sonntag 2008: 9).

“English Course” by LoopZilla is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0

Forced to talk in English? Language policies in call centers

Talking about the hierarchy of languages is very important because it is directly linked to the policies and training put in place in the Asian companies themselves. As seen in the previous paragraphs, the cleavage between the varieties of spoken English – for those who can speak it – in Asian countries is due partially to their social and economic backgrounds, referred to as a “gap in English education” (Friginal 2007: 333) among speakers. This is why the hierarchy of languages greatly impacts outsourced call centers, since many call centers express the wish for their employees to appear and to sound as if they were native English speakers, in their communication skills, meaning their vocabulary, accent and intelligibility, and in their knowledge of idioms and jokes, meaning their “cultural understanding” (Friginal 2007: 340). These appear to be crucial knowledge requirements in order to be trusted by the customer and to sell products or to be able to properly assist customers without there being any misunderstandings. The assistance an employee should be able to provide require GA English fluency, as employees have to be able to “handl[e] call-in queries and technical support; [correspond via] e-mail [and] online chat, travel and [provide] consumer services; and [handle] medical and legal transcriptions” (Friginal 2007: 331). With the wish of improving one’s English came the need for English proficiency trainings or “English language communications training” (Lockwood 2013: 537), which are realized either by private teachers, such as personal “trainers hired by the larger call centers themselves” (Rahman 2009: 240), or by organizations dedicated to training new employees, the so called “call center academies” (Friginal 2007: 333). These training have the goal to either try and meet the linguistic requirements for call center employees, i.e. speaking a General American English, or to improve the skills of long-term employees needing only English for intelligibility purposes, such as “support engineers working at [an] India site” (Lockwood 2013: 537). An example of the reasons why these academies became popular is the case of Filipinos, for whom “fluency, accent reduction and the acquisition of high-level English” (Friginal 2007: 334) are important. Indeed, having employees speaking in a GA English profits the companies hiring them, since it allows them to be more influential, as well as for the workers, since these skills allow them access to well-paid jobs. It is very interesting to note that whereas English fluency is important in call centers, some companies in India providing technical support admitted to disregarding “the level of English language competency at the interview” (Lockwood 2013: 537). The goal of English proficiency trainings lies not only in improving the employees’ English, but also in reducing their accent and speak in a subjective “neutral accent” (Rahman 2009: 238). These courses last two weeks or fifty hours in some places (Rahman 2009: 239), even if improving an accent can take years. The main subjects are “Customer Care, Culture, Attitude, English, and Phonetics” (Lockwood 2013: 548). However, even with the implementation of such courses, many call center employees reportedly do not meet the official requirements “in the customer service setting” (Friginal 2007: 339), which impacts the quality of their work.

Shaping the employees’ future by improving their language proficiency

A last aspect that will be analyzed in this article is the opportunities language proficiency of GA English can bring in Asian countries for individuals. As stated before, language hierarchy plays a huge part in their life-trajectories and opportunities of speakers. It is the basis of most international companies (for example call centers) as it is of popular beliefs and knowledge that employees speaking a variety of English close to the Standard form will have more success in their jobs and sells than those speaking a different variety. The main reason for this is that “inability to adjust to the needs and demands of the caller could mean a failure of the transaction, with significant negative effect on business” (Friginal 2007: 335). This inability could have serious consequences for the workers, as inefficiency leads sometimes even to the “termination” (Friginal 2007: 335) of workers. Because of that, language proficiency in the American standard English can be and is often regarded as a positive advantage, both for future job opportunities it brings and in order to remain employed. Not only are trainings beneficial to the employees for selling purposes, but Filipinos employees “appear […] to fully embrace th[e] company culture in English use, and demonstrate […] enthusiasm in attending additional training.” (Friginal 2007: 340). Even though Rahman’s study proves that even if call center employees perceive their jobs, the different policies and training to improve their English, as positive, they view them as an opportunity to study abroad or travel and not in order to work in call centers indefinitely.

Final thoughts: Future directions and limitations

In conclusion, we saw that the hierarchy of languages has different consequences, positive and negative ones: while speaking a high-level English proficiency gives social status to the employees and improves the life quality they lead, it also causes pressure about the communication skills required and inevitably questions the individual identity of workers. Once we considered the effective linguistic adaptations – i.e. requirement to adopt a GA accent and variety, often through training – asked by Call Centres, the reasons why these international companies adjust their requirements are implied by the impact of these changes on the customers’ opinions. The two main discourses that arise from our literature review are the improvement of the quality of commercial exchanges, which consist of less misunderstandings and errors linked to the English performances of employees, and the strengthened reputation of outsourced call centres that are made accessible from everywhere as well as trustable by everyone thanks to the use of an international language such as English. Primarily translated into the use of a “neutral” accent, national adaptations of Asian countries seem to be linked to the will to inhibit language variations. As a limitation, we effectively cannot unravel the initial necessity of these linguistic policies; are these requirements simply needed by the globalization of English or are them established to conceal individual identities in order to satisfy all customers? Also, we have not specifically analysed the linguistic abilities of employees by giving explicit examples of what is expected of them, we just developed what is being put in place by private companies to improve their level of English, which is another limitation. Finally, as future direction, we could analyse other types of Asian communication agencies, such as selling websites or more generally online assistance, could be interesting to compare to call centre policies.

Key Words: Globalization of English, Call Centres, Asia, Outsourcing, Accent, Neutralization, Identity and International Communication.

Bibliography

Cowie, C. 2007. The accents of outsourcing: the meanings of “neutral” in the Indian call center industry. World Englishes vol. 26. no. 3, 316-330.

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-971X.2007.00511.x

Duchêne, A. 2008. Marketing, management and performance: multilingualism as commodity in a tourism call centre. Language Policy vol. 8. no. 1, 27-50.

https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10993-008-9115-6

Friginal, E. 2007. Outsourced call centers and English in the Philippines. World Englishes vol. 26. no. 3, 331–345.

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-971X.2007.00512.x

Lockwood, J. 2013. International communication in a technology services call centre in India. World Englishes vol. 32. no. 4, 536–550.

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/weng.12060

Rahman, T. 2009. Language Ideology, Identity and the Commodification of Language in the Call Centers of Pakistan. Language in Society vol. 38. no. 2, 233-258.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/language-in-society/article/abs/language-ideology-identity-and-the-commodification-of-language-in-the-call-centers-of-pakistan/A166C37BC354383E8FFC826B86056437

Sonntag, S. K. 2008. Linguistic globalization and the call center industry: Imperialism, hegemony or cosmopolitanism?. Language Policy vol. 8. no. 1, 5-25.

https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10993-008-9112-9

The consumption of multilingualism in Swiss tourism

Mona Jaffel

In this blog entry, I investigate how multilingualism can be used as a working tool and a consumable product in the touristic sector in Switzerland. The use of distinct languages spoken in and indexing different regions in Switzerland gives them an added value which can be strategically transformed into economic profits.

Touristic context and language in Switzerland

As an important sector for the Swiss economy, tourism benefits from the national languages in Switzerland, namely, Swiss German, French, Italian and Romansch. The Swiss language policy relies on the principle of territoriality which means that each canton has an assigned official language which is generally the first language of the majority of the speakers residing in the canton. Hence, each region has their own local dialects and languages that are specific to the residents’ community which express their identity, on the same level as traditions and values for example.

As language is typically associated with culture and identity, the tourism industry uses it as added values to consumable goods and services for people who visit Switzerland. In the industrialized and globalized society we live in, language practices are often linked with economic interests and the touristic sector is also concerned by this phenomenon. For example, Schedel’s (2018b) study examined the use of multilingualism as a strategic means in the touristic sphere to promote local economic development. Indeed, in the bilingual town of Murten/Morat in the bilingual canton of Freiburg/Fribourg, there was a theatrical guided tour which was performed using both French and German languages. In this specific case, the bilingual practices were employed to entertain and deliver information about the town for a broad audience consisting of bilinguals and monolinguals of French and German. While reaching for a higher number of tourists which results in higher economic profits, the tourist guides could also express and affirm the authenticity of the local identity and pride. It seems, therefore, that they converted their linguistic resources into a profit for the sector of tourism in Murten/Morat. Based on the review of several studies, this blog entry thus investigates how multilingualism can be used as a working tool and a consumable good in the industry of tourism in Switzerland.

Key terms

Heller et al.’s (2014a) study introduced important concepts to understand the intersection of the sector of tourism and multilingualism practices as consumable products. The concept of ‘commodification’ relates to the process of using language not only as a means of communication but also of transforming it as a valuable touristic experience that can be bought and sold. Indeed, language is considered to be a consumable and expected form of exoticism for tourists which, outlines the social and cultural differences between the visitors and the locals. This consumption of linguistic practices as markers of cultural distinction can be linked with the cultural authenticity that tourists come to visit and, thus, (re)produce the peculiarity of the place. The symbolic distinctiveness of these language practices renders them valuable and authentic in a certain locality, which constructs a sense of ownership and belonging to a community. However, when the contact between tourists and locals that speak different mother tongues is unsatisfactory in terms of communication, they generally switch to a lingua franca. Lingua francas relate to the languages used by people whose first languages are different in order to facilitate communication between them. In Switzerland, the most recurring lingua franca is English since its international status and teaching in schools allow Swiss inhabitants to communicate, despite their difference of native language.

Picture retrieved from https://search.creativecommons.org

Previous studies

As Jaworski & Piller (2008) stated, English is frequently used as a lingua franca to communicate between people coming from different linguistics regions of the country. This is the same case for most encounters between locals and tourists and, thus, it creates the impression of a cosmopolitan Switzerland in which a visitor can easily communicate with locals without having to speak the regional language. The use of a globalized language such as English in Switzerland is a tool for basic communication but also a strategic means to give tourists a sense of familiarity in the ‘exotic’ authenticity and, hence, gain economic profits.Jaworski & Piller’s (2008) study also revealed that the least spoken national language, which is Romansch receives a great deal of attention and is exoticized by being associated with mountainous landscapes or historical events, which are particularly attractive for tourists. In language use, some words borrowings in specific language can represent the cultural region and are part of the linguistic landscape. The larger national languages, namely Swiss German, French and Italian, are exoticized to a lesser extent as specific terms are used for local food, cultural events or landmarks, for example ‘Rösti’ a Swiss German dish made of potatoes, which show how Switzerland is linguistically and culturally unique.

Heller et al.’s (2014b) study also revealed that multilingualism and local languages offer an added value in the sector of Swiss tourism. Indeed, as they are commodified and deemed to be authentic markers of the locality, tourists also consume the local identity and the specific linguistic practices linked to it. Swiss multilingualism is seen as a distinctive promotional strategy for the tourism industry as it is a unique experience and phenomenon. According to their study, there is a symbolic behind every cultural practice, i.e. languages and identities which can be marketable namely through public signs or artistic performances.

As Schedel’s (2018a) study revealed, this is the particularly relevant for the bilingual town of Murten/Morat in Freiburg/Fribourg situated at the Swiss language border between French and Swiss German. This town needed to find strategies to distinguish itself from other competing touristic areas by representing the local bilingualism in an authentic and attractive way by tourism workers. Indeed, employees of the local tourist office have to be proficient in both German and French to represent the linguistic particularity of Murten/Morat since they have direct contact with tourists. The explicitly required level of proficiency in one of those languages can be negotiated from ‘perfect skills’ to ‘minimal skills’ as there exists the belief that one can only perfectly master the other language when it is their native language. There is, however, a notable difference in how Swiss German and German languages are perceived: Swiss German accounts mainly for the local and traditional authenticity of the region through oral communication while German serves as a medium for the context of formal situations and written documents. English and Swiss German basic proficiencies are implicitly expected and assumed skills by the recruiter as the first is a globalized lingua franca and the second is the local Swiss variety of German which account for important and efficient customer service.

Schedel’s (2018b) furthers the bilingual particularity of Murten/Morat as a theatrical guided tour was designed in German and French for the tourist office showcasing the particularities of the town and its peculiar linguistic diversity. Language is, therefore, the product consumed and adds value to the tour itself and renders it attractive for tourists due to its originality. Indeed, the bilingual staging of the tour can be intriguing as it is an original experience, and it allows for a wider audience to understand the performance which generates more economic profits. The working tool of bilingualism, in this case, also indicates an appreciation of national or local identity and pride for the locals and performers. Indeed, language is strategically commodified as it is used to express authenticity and distinctiveness values in relation to the touristic product while selling it. This is also the case of tourism call centers in which the workforce is carefully chosen to speak multiple languages exoticizing the very act of selling touristic experiences by being fluent in a local variety, for example Swiss German, and strategically matching the target tourists’ first languages as can be seen in Duchêne’s (2009) study.

Duchêne (2009) also focused on tourism call centers in Switzerland and it revealed that tourists expect a distinctive and local accent from the worker as it is a form of exotic authenticity representing Switzerland. Tourists can also expect the worker to competently speak their native language to easily communicate and avoid misunderstandings due to the language barrier. As language practices serve as an essential working tool in tourism call centers, the tension between the mastery of different languages and accents can only be solved by employing few people who speak multiple languages and local varieties. This allows tourist call centers to pay the salary of fewer people and Duchêne (2009) also stated that the languages most used in Swiss tourism call centers include German, Swiss German, French, English and to a lesser extent Italian, which correspond to the three main official languages of the country and the most globalized lingua franca. This is in line with Venkateswaran’s (2010) study which examined the tourism web coverage in Switzerland. Results showed that touristic web coverage is not homogeneous in relation to the geographic space as it is affected by the population density and the place’s touristic importance. Indeed, there seems to be a higher representation of German which make up for the most frequently spoken language in the country, followed then by French and English, namely, the second most used national language and the lingua franca. While Italian was also shown to be used to a lesser extent as it is a minority language in Switzerland, Romansh was not studied because of its minimal use.

Discussion

Instances of multilingualism in the tourism sector of Switzerland represent, therefore, a practical necessity for the communication between locals and visitors as they might have to use a lingua franca, such as English, because they do not have any common native languages. Multilingualism is used as a strategic marketing tool which increases the flexibility of the tourist service in relation to the clients’ requests. Indeed, tourism call centers benefit from the multilingual skills of employees to interact with callers speaking different languages as they can adapt their language practices for them. Multilingual skills are also, as in call centers, instrumentalized in the recruitment process of workers in tourism offices as they allow linguistic adaptability during the service of foreign visitors. Speaking the same language as the foreigner is a great way of making sure that the addressee is comfortable, and this increases the possibility of gaining profits: their needs might be better met when they can openly talk in their own language without having any communicative issues. In this sense, multilingual practices become working tools for an increased number of profits in the tourism sector as basic communication is guaranteed and tourists’ requests can be easily understood.

The linguistic specificity of Switzerland, with 4 official languages, also plays an important role in its attractiveness for tourists. Indeed, the minority language of Romansh is exoticized as it is locally spoken and associated with certain landscapes and traditions. The link between languages, such as Romansh, and specific cultures and identities creates a sense of differentiation between the visitor and the local. This displays a sense of authenticity about the language, the locals and the place which is felt by the tourists and generally searched for when visiting an unknown place. Other languages spoken in Switzerland, namely Swiss German, French and Italian, are also used in an authentic way to point out specific and local terms which are part of the cultural landscape, such as local food or landmarks. This particular use of local terms shows the peculiarity of the place and its culture which renders them attractive and genuine. Multilingual practices in Switzerland, thus, account for the specificity of the country and the authenticity of the cultures which is celebrated and create a sense of attractive difference for the tourists. This creation of authentic difference between the locals and the tourists, and between the regions, through the use of multilingual practices leads to the increase of economic gain. Indeed, as it renders the destination and its culture more attractive, tourists are more likely to spend more money for their trip in Switzerland. Multilingualism also becomes a consumable good in itself when its practices are used for touristic experiences as it adds value to the product, marking its locality and genuineness.

This blog entry, thus, investigated the functions of multilingual practices in the tourism sector of Switzerland as they are strategically used for practical communication between locals and tourists, increasing financial gains and becoming consumable as they represent difference and exoticism. As this blog entry relies heavily on the reading of previous research which are mainly qualitative, results of more quantitative research might give a better picture of multilingual practices and how much the tourism sector actually benefits from those. Further interesting research can be conducted on tourists’ perception of multilingualism in Switzerland and assess how much this Swiss particularity is appreciated and searched for. This might also give an indication about the attitude that tourists hold towards Switzerland and its cultures and how their own language abilities are evaluated in relation to Swiss multilingualism. It could also be intriguing to study language practices in the tourism sector in officially monolingual countries, such as France or Germany. Language abilities requirements for tourism workers in monolingual countries might be different and other strategies, linguistic or not, might be used to exoticize their culture and country for tourists.

References

Duchêne, A. 2009. Marketing, management and performance: Multilingualism as commodity in a tourism call centre. Language policy, 8(1), 27-50.

Heller, M., Jaworski, A. and Thurlow, C. 2014. Introduction: Sociolinguistics and tourism – mobilities, markets, multilingualism. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 18: 425-458.

Heller, M., Pujolar, J. and Duchêne, A. 2014. Linguistic commodification in tourism. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 18: 539-566.

Jaworski, A., & Piller, I. 2008. Linguascaping Switzerland: Language ideologies in tourism. Standards and Norms in the English Language, pp. 301-321.

Schedel, L. S. 2018a. Negotiating the boundaries and value of bilingual skills in a recruitment process at the language border. Bulletin VALS-ASLA, 108, 75-90.

Schedel, L.S. 2018b. Turning local bilingualism into a touristic experience. Language Policy 17, 137–155.

Venkateswaran, R. 2010. A study of the tourism web coverage in Switzerland. University of Zurich Open Repository and Archive. URL: https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/39622/1/Venkateswaran_Study_Tourism_Web_Coverage_2010.pdf

Keywords Tourism – Language practices – Authenticity – Multilingualism – Switzerland.