Category: Popular culture

The impact of English as a second language in the construction of youth identity in Europe

By Doni Ebongue & Rebeca Negash

Classroom
Image free of copyright: www.flickr.com

In this blog entry, we will investigate, from a sociolinguistic perspective, the impact that English as a second language has in the construction of the identity of high schoolers aged between thirteen and eighteen years old in Europe. We will consider the main techniques that adolescents use to create and model their linguistic repertoire, such as code-switching and language mixing. In addition, we will observe that the creation of their multilingual identity is influenced by many sources like CMC and CMD, globalization, academical success, music or video games.

Keywords: multilingualism, Europe, youth language, code-switching, language identity, repertoire, CMC

Introduction

While the Statista Research Department stated that in 2019 English was the most spoken language in the world either spoken natively or as a second language (Statista Research Department, Nov 27, 2020), there are still more non-native speakers of English in the world than native ones (Leppänen and Peuronen 2012). Therefore, this language is present everywhere: in social media, in advertisements, at schools, at work, etc. It has become such an important language that most academic institutions have included the learning of English as a mandatory subject. Considering that young people construct their personal and social identity during their teenage years, one might wonder what impact the learning of English has from a social perspective, on the creation and development of their multilingual identity and from a linguistical perspective, on the formation of their personal repertoire. Therefore, through a social approach to multilingualism some key concepts will be defined in order to open a discussion on the effect the practice of English as a second language in Europe has and its role in the multilingual identity performances of adolescents aged between 13 to 18 years old. 

While the Statista Research Department stated that in 2019 English was the most spoken language in the world either spoken natively or as a second language (Statista Research Department, Nov 27, 2020), there are still more non-native speakers of English in the world than native ones (Leppänen and Peuronen 2012). Therefore, this language is present everywhere: in social media, in advertisements, at schools, at work, etc. It has become such an important language that most academic institutions have included the learning of English as a mandatory subject. Considering that young people construct their personal and social identity during their teenage years, one might wonder what impact the learning of English has from a social perspective, on the creation and development of their multilingual identity and from a linguistical perspective, on the formation of their personal repertoire. Therefore, through a social approach to multilingualism some key concepts will be defined in order to open a discussion on the effect the practice of English as a second language in Europe has and its role in the multilingual identity performances of adolescents aged between 13 to 18 years old. 

Theoretical framework

As we will focus on the effect that English has in the construction of young people’s multilingual identity in Europe, we will try to determine whether there are any differences between the English variety that European teens use at home and the one they use in a formal educational context. For example, Grau (2009) makes a distinction between those two speeches by saying “that the use of English in young people’s free time can differ immensely from the English used in school” (Grau, 2009: 161).  In order to do so, we will need to clarify a few important concepts that will be developed later in this paper

First, it is important to define the notion of “repertoire”, which is to be opposed to the notion of “language” as a bounded system. The notion of language is to be considered as a conventional, standardized communication system that humans use orally (speaking) or manually (writing) to interact with each other. According to Bristowe, Oostendorp & Anthonissen, the notion of repertoire can be characterized as follows:  somebody’s repertoire represents every resource that this person uses in order to communicate.

The notion of code-switching needs to be also developed, as this concept represents one of the most important features of young people’s use of different languages. Code-switching is realized by using features of more than one language in the same conversation (Deumert 2011). An example of code-switching from French to English would be an expression like “Je ne suis pas dans un bon mood tonight”. The basis language is French and some words were changed by English ones, possibly because this new expression sounds better in the speaker’s opinion. Another feature used by multilingual people is the notion of language mixing which differs from code-switching. While code-switching replaces a few words of the basis language by words of a different language, language mixing represents the actual use of a foreign language instead of the basis language. For example, in a class about American literature in Germany, the usage of English would be considered as language mixing since students would be speaking only in English, a foreign language, with each other instead of German, their mother tongue.Finally, it is important to define which sources have the more influence on young people’s multilingualism. According to Grau (2009), there are three main factors that have a crucial effect on European youth’s contact with English: “the media, personal networks (friends and family), and intercultural contacts through travelling” (Grau, 2009: 163). As mentioned above, there can be a big difference between the English spoken at home or with friends and the one spoken at school, or “school English” as Grau (2009) describes it (which is a translation of the German word Schulenglisch). Following Leppänen and Peuronen’s work, we will differentiate the notions of CMC (computer-mediated communication) and CMD (computer-mediated discourse). While CMC refers “to interaction that occurs via computer-mediated formats”, CMD “refers to all the different kinds of interpersonal communication carried out on the Internet” (Leppänen and Peuronen 2012). The difference between those two concepts is rather simple, as it is very similar to the notions of “repertoire” versus “language” explained before, where CMC represents the language, and CMD is the repertoire.

Literature review

In this section, we will take a look on previous research regarding the effect of English on youth in Europe and its impact on the construction of their multilingual identity. The studies have been categorized in three themes: language & identity, context choice of English and influence of English in the construction of youth language.

Language & Identity

Exploration is a term that well defines the adolescence period. Indeed, it is a time where boys and girls try, adapt, accept and reject many norms in order to construct their identity. Among their areas of experimentation, they also investigate the limitlessness of language. Through language, young people, in particular, try to express their identity. As a matter of fact, linguistic variation which is “the coexistence of several ways to express a message with the same referential context” (Nortier 2018: 5) is commonly used by teenagers. From this definition, it is understandable that the choice of a linguistic form is never neutral. It is a reflective process that depends on one’s own repertoire, on the identity he or she wants to be associated with and the identity he or she identifies with. Since identity is formed by the self and the others, language can be perceived as an “act of identity” (LePage and Tabouret-Keller 1985 and Auer 2005, as quoted in Nortier 2018: 6). For instance, a same variant can be used differently depending on the context and on what the speaker wants to share about himself or herself. In order to show belonging to a certain group, teenagers are innovative in terms of language. More than other generations, they borrow words from other languages, mix them with their own mother tongue, create new words, adapt the linguistic rules of a standard language, etc. As they investigate the many possibilities that a standard language has to offer and they create their personal repertoire, they succeed in creating their own identity and thus, differentiate themselves from other people and groups. Moore’s study of two groups of high school girls focuses on the distinctive usage of the same variant to create their own repertoire and thus, demarcate themselves from the other group (Moore 2004). Thus, through what Nortier names languaging, youths construct their repertoires from various sources (Nortier 2018: 6). In her paper about young people in multilingual area, Nortier also mentions the term enregisterment which was developed by Agha to determine the “process by which a linguistic repertoire comes to be associated with particular social practices and with the people who engage in such practices” (Agha 2003, as quoted in Nortier 2018: 7). As the interest in youth language is increasing and its vocabulary is more and more developed, it is safe to say that language plays an important role in the creation of personal and social identity.

Context choice of English

Since youth is “a flexible and contestable social category that can be variously reproduced in different social and cultural contexts” (Leppänen 2007: 151), looking at their language practices is one approach to understanding the construction of their identity. From this point of view, their language choice is seen as a social and cultural linguistic “act of identity”. Consciously or unconsciously, every action is the result of a choice. Thus, the use of a specific language or certain linguistic features is also a choice made by the speaker. Among the reasons that might support this decision are the context of speech and the topic discussed. Young people, like other generations, often use English even though it might not be their mother tongue. It can be used as a lingua franca, that is a shared medium of communication between speakers of different languages, in alternation with their primary language, in code-switching as defined earlier or simply in the borrowing of some words. Leppänen and Peuronen (2012) noted that, in the case of CMC, the recourse to another language had multiple effects. English, for example, could be used in the creation of a communicative style of its own, for stylistic or narrative purposes, for clarification, or even help in “the negotiation of identity and communality” (Leppänen and Peuronen 2012: 388). In conclusion, English is linked to a sociolinguistic change, since it has an impact on most youth’s repertoire but also to a social and cultural one, as it also has an influence on the construction of their identity.

Influence of English in the construction of youth language

While English is essentially learned at school, teenagers also developed this language outside of this institution through other English resources, such as TV, internet, music, etc. Additionally, English appears in CMC and young people interact with it. Nevertheless, it seems that teachers do not consider their speaking or writing skills to have improved since schools are expecting a monolingual standard variety of English that those resources do not provide. However, as teenagers are anyway exposed to non-academic English in various contexts, they use it to innovate and model their own repertoire. Therefore, English takes an important role not only in schooling but also in the pupils’ free time.

As CMC is increasingly more present in people’s life, linguists have been interested in its impact on youth language. While in CMC multiple languages can interact with each other, some language features are revised and/or adapted to the CMC context which render difficult to fully acquire a language. Nevertheless, Stæhr and Madsen (2015) have pointed out that, in a few cases, CMC can also help youth to stick to and master a standard language. Indeed, in a research on adolescents in Copenhagen, they realized that teenagers increasingly used more monolingual, standard linguistic practices in their hip-hop productions on YouTube. The reason for their monolingual rap is due to the influence of their local rap mentor, the “hegemonic language ideological beliefs linking linguistics standard and correctness to intelligence”, their consideration for their audience and their ambitions to be a successful musician. What is interesting here is that rap and the resources around it (mentors, videos, songs, etc.) are being used to master a language. Indeed, the adolescents claim that if they want to be listened to they need to rap and speak in standard English. Their message is more powerful if their grammar is correct, thus they associate rap with formal education. While this study showed the advantage of CMC on mastering a language, this is not usually the case.

Thus, even though the type of English youth encounter outside of the academic institution does not significantly improve their speaking or writing skills as teachers would like to, it still plays an important role in the development of the individual. Depending on the kind of English resources and varieties teenagers want to interact with, thus in selecting a certain variety (standard vs. non-standard), they unconsciously shape their identity around it. As Berns and de Bot state (2005) “different language and media environments shape different kinds of English proficiency” (Berns and de Bot 2005, as quoted in Maike 2009: 171).

Discussion

As seen in previous studies, the practice of English in Europe has an effect on youth and plays a role in the construction of their multilingual identity. Indeed, according to Grau (2009) “A number of research reports focusing on youth cultures have emphasised the important role of English for young Europeans” (Grau 2009, 161). Teenagers give English learning a really meaningful importance and tend to speak a more formal, more standardized English in an academic context, while in their free time their English would be more vernacular, more popular. As mentioned earlier, the standard monolingual English expected at school would here represent the concept of “language-mixing”, whereas the “free-time English” would be more prone to code-switching, using English words to replace others of the basis language in a sentence. In his analysis of young people in Denmark, Preisler (1999) “even suggests the terms “English from above” for the English that teenagers use in the institutionalised setting of language classes at school, versus “English from below” for the English they use in their spare time” (Preisler 1999, as quoted in Grau 2009, 161). Of course, in their free time, teenagers in non-English speaking contexts are confronted to this language mostly through CMC. For instance, in video games where English is usually the main language used by the players, or through what is called “language SMS” in French (texting language) where the use of code-switching is high. Also, we can see that the English languages in general (either General American English, British English or other varieties) have a huge impact on youth language with the success of American movies in particular, series and music. Hip-hop for example, which is originally associated to American lower-classes, represents one of the most popular music genres listened to by teenagers and therefore constitutes a rich source of exposure to English for young people. As Leppänen reports in her analysis of Finnish teenagers, “In, for example, subcultural activities and lifestyle communities centred around some shared interest (e.g. musical style) or activity (e.g. skateboarding) English functions as an additional language, mixing and alternating with Finnish” (Leppänen, 2007: 149).

Also, the use of English for young European L2 speakers is associated to one’s own creation of a personal identity, and induces a feeling of belonging in a specific youth culture. Leppänen claims that “In the younger generations this positive allegiance with the West has shown, for example, in their willingness to study Western foreign languages, particularly English” (Leppänen, 2007: 150). With the rise of globalisation and internationalisation in the economic department as well as social interactions becoming worldwide with the invention of Internet in the 20th century, younger generations seem to have a closer relation toward English for various reasons, such as social interactions with people from different countries as well as academic success, since English became the main language used in international exchange, global economy, and therefore allow students to travel and sometimes establish themselves abroad. The English language has also become a marker of appurtenance to a certain culture, for:

“in many other European countries the choice and use of English is also increasingly a key aspect of youth language. Importantly, it has been claimed by a number of researchers that there is often an association between belonging to the youth culture and using English, either along with or mixed with the native language”

(Leppänen, 2007: 151)

All across Europe, English has now become a main language in the areas mentioned earlier and its spreading across Europe shows how young people develop their speech and widen their repertoires as they give more and more importance to English. 

Limitations

It is impossible to determine one fixed repertoire, or one fixed CMD (especially in a media approach) for language is ever-changing, and so is one’s repertoire. The Internet, for example, used to be governed by English. But with time, other languages have started to gain in usage on the web, such as Cantonese and Spanish. With the growth of internationalisation and globalisation, the access to information in one’s home language is much frequent than in the preceding century. Additionally, considering the fact that new generations are more and more present on the Internet, this allows small communities to appear and therefore add new features to people’s repertoire. Also, if we focus once again on Europe, there are mostly L2 speaking countries regarding English, and within the borders of a country not everybody possesses the same level of English, even for younger generations. The preview studies therefore used to focus on a specific group of people, people with a certain level of English available for their repertoire. The level of education is also crucial when analysing young people’s speech in English. While it was not an issue for research concerning secondary education, in higher education teens would have a better proficiency in English than others, which would indubitably have an effect on the resources they have and will use.

Possible future directions

New studies could analyse the evolution of the differentiation between “school English” and “outside school English”. As defined earlier, the interactions that teenagers entertain with the media, their friends and family and with travel has had a deep influence on their repertoires. However, considering once again the notion of “repertoire” as ever-changing, future research might notice any new feature in the following generations.

References

  • Bristowe, Anthea and Marcelyn, Oostendorp and Christine, Anthonissen. 2014. Language and youth identity in a multilingual setting: A multimodal repertoire approach. Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 32:2, 229-245.
  • Faas, Daniel. 2007. Youth, Europe and the Nation: The Political Knowledge, Interests and Identities of the New Generation of European Youth. Journal of Youth Studies 10:2, 161-181.
  • Hoffmann, C. 2000. The Spread of English and the Growth of Multilingualism with English in Europe. In J. Cenoz, & U. Jessner (Eds.), English in Europe: The Acquisition of a Third Language. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, 1-21.
  • Kerswill, Paul. 2013. Identity, ethnicity and place: the construction of youth language in London. In Auer, Peter, Hilpert, Martin, Stukenbrock, Anja and Szmrecsanyi, Benedikt (Eds.), Space in language and linguistics. linguae and litterae. Walter de Gruyter, 128-164. 
  • Leppänen, Sirpa and Saija, Peuronen. 2012. Multilingualism on the Internet. In Marilyn Martin-Jones, Adrian Blackledge and Angela Creese (Eds.), Handbook of Multilingualism. London: Routledge, 384-402.
  • Leppänen, Sirpa. 2007. Youth Language in Media Contexts: Insights into the Functions of English in Finland. World Englishes 26: 2, 149-169.
  • Maike Grau. 2009. Worlds apart? English in German youth cultures and in educational settings. World Englishes 28:2, 160-174.
  • Moore, Emma. 2004. Sociolinguistic Style: A Multidimensional Resource for Shared Identity Creation. Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 49:3-4, 375-396.
  • Nortier, Jacomine. 2018. Language and Identity Practices among Multilingual Western European Youths. Language and Linguistics Compass 12:5.
  • Stæhr, Andreas and Lian Malai Madsen. 2015. Standard language in urban rap: Social media, linguistic practice and ethnographic context. Language & Communication 40, 67-81.

J-Pop English: Global or Local?

By Flora Tucker

In this blog entry, I investigate the usage of English in J-Pop from a sociolinguistic perspective. This case study will illuminate the phenomenon of English as a foreign language in popular culture.

Keywords: J-Pop, Pop music, Multilingualism, English, Pop culture,

Intro.

First things first: What is pop culture? And why should we care about it? It’s a difficult thing to define, but the Oxford English dictionary defines it as “culture based on popular taste rather than that of an educated elite, usually commercialized and made widely available by the mass media.” Pop culture is often fast changing, and defined by a large number of people in a way that traditional culture isn’t. Often research into it doesn’t proportionally represent the interest that the general public has in it, but this is beginning to be more often a subject of research. From an academic point of view, studying pop culture can inform us about trends and processes, and the world that we live in in real-time .

Lee & Kachru (2006: 191) describe pop culture as a global phenomenon which often has “a remarkably defined local face.” It’s widely accepted that English has become a global language, and as such, it isn’t surprising that it is prevalent in pop culture all over the world – including in Japan, where I will focus – but what happens when the global language meets the “local face”? Does it erase it, change it, or define it? The study of English in pop culture, therefore, can help us understand what happens when the global meets the local, and how communities adopt and mould it. The ‘pop’ in ‘pop culture’ comes, as one might expect, from the ‘pop’ in ‘pop music’, so pop music appears to be a logical place to start. I will be considering J-Pop, which is Japanese pop music, specifically that which is heavily influenced by Western rock and pop. Originating in response to Western rock and pop, J-Pop is therefore a fertile ground for investigating the meeting of cultures, particularly through language. For the purposes of this blog entry, I will be attempting to answer this question: To what extent does English in J-Pop serve as a globalising influence? And what does this mean in terms of the local Japanese identity and Japanese pop culture?

Laying the Groundwork.

I’m approaching this blog post from a sociolinguistic perspective, that is to say, I am interested in the social side of this linguistic phenomenon. The study of English in J-Pop is a relatively small field, with much of the research dating from the 2000s. Very often, this research attempts to define what the role of J-Pop English (J-PopE) actually is. One can see global and local identities often in conflict, through the usage and reception of the language, and it is this angle that I intend to examine.

Now for some key definitions:

 J-Pop is Japanese pop music, specifically that which is heavily influenced by Western rock and pop.

Local/Global. While it is tempting to think of the local and the global as two diametrically opposed concepts, often this view relies on pre-existing, stratified identities dependent on nationality or regionality, particularly as regards language. Pennycook (2003) emphasises that this is not a useful way to approach the global and the local. Rather, he emphasises Appadurai’s argument that globalisation is a “deeply historical, uneven and even localizing process. Globalisation does not necessarily, or even frequently mean homogenization or Americanization” (Appadurai, 1996: 17, in Pennycook, 2003: 4).

Though national notions of identity are far from perfect or homogenous, when I refer to “the local” I will be considering Japanese (national) identity, or occasionally East Asian identity. Though J-Pop English might be integrated into notions of the local, one must accept that it comes from Western influences. From the studies reviewed, I will be considering whether its usage tends to promote more transnational ideals, national/regional ones, or a blending of the two.

Code ambiguation is a form of language-blending that produces a phrase that might have meaning in either language (Moody and Matsumoto, 2003: 4).

What’s already been said, then?

(Literature Review)

The Origin Story

The term ‘J-Pop’ was coined in the late 1980s by radio station J-WAVE, which originally played exclusively Western music. Bowing to pressure from its sponsors, J-WAVE was compelled to air Japanese popular music. Rather than playing kayōkyoku, the Japanese popular music of the time, they decided to air Japanese music that was influenced by foreign, Western music that sounded quite different to the old style. This was at first called Japanese Pop, and then J-Pop. (Moody & Matsumoto, 2003: 5–6; Mōri, 2009: 475-6). Mōri considers the “golden period” of J-Pop to be between 1988 and 1998, which explains why much of the significant research dates from the 2000s (Mōri, 2009: 475–6). Much like other East Asian genres, therefore, such as Korean K-Pop, Hong Kongese Cantopop, and Taiwanese Mandopop, J-Pop is “largely defined by the use of Asian languages in conjunction with international pop music styles” (Benson, 2013: 23).

How much J-Pop English are we talking?

Among a number of surveys quantifying the lyrical make-up of Japanese pop music around the millennium, Moody (2000, 2001), in a survey of 307 songs from the Japanese Oricon weekly top-50 charts of 2000, found that almost two thirds of the J-Pop songs were found to contain English lyrics (Moody 2000, 2001 in Moody, 2006: 218). The number seems only to have increased since then. In Oricon’s best-selling CD singles of 2013, out of 100 songs, 72 included English words, phrases, or clauses (Takahashi and Calico, 2015: 868). However, this is not necessarily to say that Japanese audiences have become more interested in Western music. Mōri compares non-Japanese to Japanese charts, and comes to the conclusion that, at the time of writing, “most Japanese audiences… [were] primarily satisfied with listening to Japanese popular music and less interested in western music.” (2009: 477). This is particularly the case compared to the mid 1980s (Mōri, 2009: 477). This does not, however, translate to an exclusive linguistic nationalism, as is shown by the fact that Utada Hikaru’s album Exodus, made for an American audience in English, reached #1 on the Oricon chart, and was popular across East Asia (Benson, 2013: 26). While Western music, therefore, might have declined in popularity in Japan, J-Pop’s popularity has increased, and it contains English lyrics more and more.  

Transnational functions of J-Pop English.

Given the international origins of J-Pop, it is not surprising that questions of global and local identities are highly prevalent in the literature surrounding it. Moody & Matsumoto discuss how the use of English in J-Pop could be seen as a tribute by artists to Western influences (2003: 7–8). Sometimes this is done by adopting English song-titles, or incorporating references into the lyrical body, such as in the case of Wink’s “BoysDon’tCry”. Sometimes this is done through imitative album-art, as in Mai Kuraki’s 2001 single Stand Up which imitates the cover of Bruce Springsteen’s Born to Run, below.

Mai Kuraki
Stand Up ©Giza, 2001
Bruce Springsteen
Born To Run ©Columbia, 1975

Tribute might also take the form of a Japanese cover of an English song, as Hideki Saijo’s 1979 “Young Man (Y.M.C.A)”, a cover of the English song “Y.M.C.A.”by the Village People. Indeed, this was the first J-Pop song with an English song-title. Similarly, Benson (2013: 24) notes the pattern in East Asian countries where at first foreign music styles are embraced whole-heartedly, in their original language. Then, artists start to compose in that style but in their own, local language. Through this lens, one could read Moody & Matsumoto’s Y.M.C.A. example as a reinvention of English hits as Japanese.

Moody considers how Japanese is used for communication, and English for entertainment, in “language-entertainment” shows (shows which focus on language as a topic) such as ‘‘Eigo-de Asobo’’ [Let’s Play in English] for children or ‘‘Eigo-de Shabera Naito: Can You Speak English’’ for adults, on which J-Pop celebrities are common guests (Moody, 2006: 212–8). Takahashi and Calica note the traditional use of English as a mode of international communication (2015: 870). How, then, does J-Pop English function in a transnational setting (i.e. beyond Japan)? Benson (2013) examines the success of Utada Hikaru’s 2004 album Exodus. After three very successful Japanese albums, she released a second English one, targeted at North American audiences which included the hit ‘Easy Breezy’. ‘Easy Breezy’ was most popular in Japan and Thailand, followed by the United States. It seems then, that its success was still mostly in East Asia or in East Asian diasporas. When examining the YouTube comments section of the music video, Benson argues that the main language of the song being English allowed ‘Easy Breezy’ to reach a wider audience, including non-native English speakers. English, then allows music to surpass linguistic barriers within East Asian regions. In this way, it is both transnational and still in keeping with an East Asian regional identity.

English in J-Pop can also allow a singer to adopt an identity closer to an Anglo-American one. Benson (2013) considers two of “the most frequently viewed East Asian English-language videos of the past decade”, including Utada Hikaru’s ‘Easy Breezy’ (2004). He sets out how Utada acts out a “sexually assertive identit[y]” in comparison to her “softer, more feminine and less sexually assertive identit[y]” in her Japanese language work (28). Similarly, Stanlaw considers how in the Wink’s “Boys Don’t Cry”, the use of English serves to denote how this is “a Western-style romance,” meaning the heartbreak the singer depicts is not actually so serious, and she will be moving on soon, even as she announces how much she suffers (Stanlaw, 2004: 105). The complete and partial use of English in J-Pop may seem like globalisation through the Anglo-Americanisation of the J-Pop singer. As a negative connotation of this, Benson considers recording completely in English to pose risks to artists’ (East-Asian) identities (2013: 32). Rather, he says, it is a tactic used best by bicultural artists, like Utada Hikaru (Benson, 2013). This would seem to denote that linguistic identity-switching is better done in moderation, unless it is already culturally a part of the singer’s identity.

J-Pop and Nationalism

Mōri (2009: 476–8) considers the nationalist aspect of J-Pop, and particularly its ‘J’. She aligns the decreasing popularity of Western music in Japan with the increasing Japanese nationalist attitudes. She considers the return of nationalism as “represent[ing] young peoples’ ambiguous anxiety in the face of a crisis of national identity against globalization” (2009: 476–8). However, she points out the irony in the popularity of J-Pop as a form of nationalism, and goes on to consider “the fantasy of a globalised Japanese culture” i.e. the fantasy of Japanese culture taking on a global status, beyond South East Asian countries and diasporas.  Through J-Pop, and particularly J-Pop English, “people could easily enjoy the illusion of a globalized-self”. This “fantasy of a globalised Japanese culture” is rather in contrast to Moody’s (2006) representation of notions of Japanese linguistic and ethnic superiority. Rather, for him, J-Pop challenges a nationalism based upon exclusion; for him through English-Japanese code-ambiguation, linguistic and emotional barriers between J-Pop and Western music are diminished.

The addition of English to Japanese music has not, in fact, changed the themes much from kayōkyoku (Misaki, 2002 in Moody & Matsumoto, 2003: 6). Stanlaw (2004) makes a similar point, when he references the song “Sand Castle” by Yuming. According to him, English is used to refresh and add a new dimension to an otherwise “cliched” song (Stanlaw, 2004: 109). In terms of form, Moody & Matsumoto (2003: 10) show how single words and phrases such as “jump” or “kiss” can be used in an otherwise Japanese text without disrupting the structure. Similarly, some words are merely written in romanji (roman) script, and are therefore counted as English. Moody & Matsumoto (2003) further discuss how in instances of code ambiguation, they are often unnoticeable to those who do not have the script in front of them, because they have meaning in either language. Stanlaw considers how English is used to create rhymes or otherwise complicate structures (2004: 113), and Takahashi & Calico and Moody & Matsumoto consider the playful use of English in J-Pop through linguistic play such as code ambiguation (Takahashi & Calico, 2015: 870–1; Moody & Matsumoto, 2003: 16–7). It is on this playfulness that Stanlaw comments in the song ‘Boys Don’t Cry’, as turning the tragic demise of a relationship into a “love-game”, though the playfulness here is less linguistic and more to do with cultural association (Stanlaw, 2004: 104). When English is used, the sentences are often simplistic and accessible to a Japanese audience(Mōri, 2009: 477; Takahashi & Calico, 2015: 870). The use of English, therefore, does not seem to change much of the fundamentals of Japanese popular music, in terms of structure or subject matter, though of course the lyrics are only one aspect of Western influence in the genre. Rather, English lyrics seem to be adopted more into the formal aspect, ie. the way the song is presented, and used as play in a way that is meant to be understood by a local, rather than national, audience.

What to make of all this?

By nature, the birth of J-Pop was simultaneously global and local; it was a necessary mixing of Japanese music and Western influences. J-Pop’s legacy, and the position of English in it, is similarly global and local. Since its conception in the late ’80s, J-Pop has slowly taken the place of Western music in the Japanese charts, while English has become the most common foreign language used in it (Takahashi & Calico, 2015: 868). J-Pop’s interaction with the West works both as a ‘globalising’ and a ‘localising’ force: sometimes tribute serves to globalise Japanese music, while other times covers serve to render global hits Japanese, or local. Though Anglo-American identities are often partially assumed by singers through their use of English, the complete assumption of an Anglo-American identity in a song tends not to be received so well, unless the J-Pop singer is already bicultural. More commonly, English is used to ambiguate traditional kayōkyoku themes, which remain prevalent in J-Pop, although kayōkyoku has fallen out of fashion. In the face of more nationalistic ideals, J-Pop English appears to be a globalising force, whether it is merely expanding the nationalism to a global stage through a global language or, as seems more likely, blending Japanese culture with other cultural influences, so there is more connection between the two ideals of the global and of the local. Overall, it is overly simplistic to consider J-Pop English to be a globalising force. Rather, it also preserves and plays with local, traditional, themes and ideas, expanding the repertoire of J-Pop artists.

Limitations of existing research in English :/

 When considering the use of English in J-Pop, one should consider that the lyrics are only one aspect of any musical work, and much of the research I have considered is dependent on having a lyric sheet – something that is not traditionally part of consuming music. Though this is useful for studying J-pop, it is not representative of the way in which it is consumed, and therefore, experienced. Furthermore, the vast majority of the research in this field seems to come from the 2000s. Even if this was the “golden age” of J-Pop in its strictest, most exclusive, definition, a more liberal definition of J-Pop has evolved, and in the 2010s and 2020, research into the subject is very limited – though I must admit that my access to this research is sadly limited to articles available in English, and so my view of this is Anglocentric. I would encourage more up-to-date research into this topic, as its positioning in a highly competitive, dynamic market reveals a lot about the ideologies of the consumers, as well as the way that Western Culture and East Asian cultures fuse.  

Discography

Hikaru, Utada. 2004. Exodus. Island.

Hikaru, Utada. 2004. “Easy Breezy,” Exodus. Island.

Kuraki, Mai. 2001. “Stand up,” Stand Up. Giza Studio.

Matsutouya, Yumi. 1991. “Sand Castle,” Dawn Purple. Universal Music.

Saijo, Hideki. 1979. “Young Man (Y.M.C.A.),” Young man/Hideki Flying Up. RVC.

Springsteen, Bruce. 1975. Born to Run. Columbia.

Village People, The. 1978. “Y.M.C.A.,” Cruisin’. Casablanca.

Wink. 1989. “Boys Don’t Cry,” Boys Don’t Cry. Polystar.

References

Benson, P. 2013. English and identity in East Asian popular music. Popular Music 32.1, 23–33.

Lee, J. S. and Y. Kachru. 2006. Symposium on World Englishes in Pop Culture: Introduction. World Englishes 25.2, 191–193.

Moody, A. J. 2006. English in Japanese popular culture and J-Pop music. World Englishes 25.2, 209–222.

Moody, A. and Y. Matsumoto. 2003. “Don’t Touch My Moustache”: Language Blending and Code Ambiguation by Two J-Pop Artists. Asian Englishes 6.1, 4–33.

Mōri, Y. 2009. J‐pop: from the ideology of creativity to DiY music culture. Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 10.4, 474–488.

Pennycook, A. 2003. Global Englishes, Rip Slyme, and performativity. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 7.4, 513–533.

Stanlaw, J. 2004. The poetics of English in Japanese pop songs and contemporary verse. In  Japanese English: Language and Culture Contact. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 101–126.

Takahashi, M. and D. Calica. 2015. The Significance of English in Japanese Popular Music: English as a Means of Message, Play, and Character. 言語処理学会 第21回年次大会 発表論文集 (2015年3月), 868–871. Society for Natural Language Processing.